葛底斯堡林肯演讲

葛底斯堡林肯演讲（精选6篇）

葛底斯堡林肯演讲 第1篇

林肯的葛底斯堡演讲视频：

林肯gettysburg演讲稿英文版如下：

Four score and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.

葛底斯堡林肯演讲 第2篇

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.八十七年前我们的先辈在这块大陆上建立了一个新的国家，这个国家在争取自由中诞生，忠于人人生来平等这一信念。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.目前我们正进行这一场伟大的国内战争，战争考验着以上述信念立国的我们或其他国家，是否能长期坚持下去。今天我们在这场战争的战场上集会，来把战场的一角奉献给为我们国家的生存而捐躯的人们，作为他们的安息之地。这是我们应该做的事。

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate – we cannot consecrate – we cannot hallow – this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain;that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.但是，从更大的意义上说，我们无权把这块土地奉献给他们，我们不能使这块土地增加光彩，成为圣地。这是那些活着的或已经死去的、曾经在这里战斗过的英雄们才使这块土地成为神圣之土，我们无力使之增减一分。我们在这里说些什么，世人不会注意，也不会长期记住，但是英雄们的行动却永远不会被人们遗忘。这更要求我们这些活着的人去继续英雄们为之战斗并使之前进的未竟事业。我们还需要继续为摆在我们面前的伟大的事业献身——更忠诚于先烈们为之献出了生命的事业；我们决不能让先烈们的鲜血白流；——我们这个国家在上帝的保佑下，要争得自由的新生；这个民有、民治、民享的政府一定要永远在地球上存在下去。

Abraham Lincoln and His Gettysburg Address 林肯和他的葛底斯堡演讲

Late in the evening of November 17, 1863 William Slade, a servant at the White House, called at the President’s study to see whether Lincoln needed anything.Slade was a free colored man from Virginia.His job was the buying of food used in the White House.Lincoln liked Slade, often talked with him, asking his opinion about different matters.1863年11月17日的深夜，白宫的一个佣人威廉·斯莱德走进总统的书房，问林肯是否还需要什么东西。斯莱德是个自由的黑人，来自弗吉尼亚州。他的工作是给白宫采购食品。林肯喜欢他，常常和他谈话并就各种问题征求他的意见。“Listen to this, William,” Lincoln said.“See how you think it sounds.” Lincoln then read aloud the short speech he had written.“你听听这个，”威廉林肯说。“看你听了觉得怎么样。”林肯把写好的那篇短短的演讲稿大声地念给他听。

“I like it, Mr.President,” Slade said.“It sounds good.” 斯莱德说：“很好，总统先生，听起来挺不错。”

But Lincoln himself was mot at all satisfied with what he had written.The next day, on the train to Gettysburg, he again worked on the speech briefly.Later that same evening, in the small Gettysburg hotel room where he stayed that night, he did some more work on it.Lincoln was physically very tired.His mind was troubled by the many serious problems of war and government.It was difficult for him to think.可是林肯自己却对他写的一点也不满意。第二天，在前往葛底斯堡的火车上，他对稿子又略加修改。晚上在他所住的葛底斯堡旅馆的小房间里，他又把讲稿再推敲了一番。林肯很累。战争和政府的许多严重的问题困扰着他，思想很难集中。In any case, the speech was short – which was the way Lincoln wanted it.He was mot the main speaker.The speaker of the day was Edward Everett.recognized as probably the greatest orator of the period.Everett was also a very distinguished man.He had been governor of Massachusetts, ambassador to Great Britain, president of Harvard College.There already existed four printed volumes of Everett’s public speeches.但是，这篇演讲很短，林肯就要它短。那天的主要发言人是爱德华·艾弗莱特，不是林肯。爱德华·艾弗莱特要算是当时最有口才的演说家了。他是一位杰出的人物，当过马萨诸塞州的州长，美国驻英国大使和哈佛大学的校长。他的演说集已经出了四册。

Lincoln, on the other hand, was not considered an orator.He was a good political speaker, and in his political campaigns had proven himself quite capable.But on this occasion something more serious was demanded.At first, the officials in charge of the ceremony had not even wanted to invite Lincoln.Lincoln received only a printed notice of the event.But later, two weeks before the actual ceremony, he was asked, mainly for political reasons, to “say a few words” at the close of Mr.Everett’s address.Even then, some of the newspapers objected, claiming that the President was sure to take advantage of the situation to make a political show.而林肯并没有认为他擅长演讲，但他能做很好的政治讲话，在政治活动中显示了充分的才干。但是这个场合对林肯提出了更高的要求。本来负责组织这次典礼的官员根本不想请林肯，后来主要出于政治上的考虑，在举行仪式的两周前才给他发了一个打印的通知，请他在艾弗莱特先生演讲之后“讲几句话”。即使如此，有些报纸还反对，说什么总统肯定会利用这次机会大捞政治资本。

At eleven o’clock the following morning, the parade from the town of Gettysburg to the cemetery began.Lincoln rode a horse.Those who saw him said that he bent forward even more than usual, looked particularly worn and tired.The group arrived at the place set for the ceremony at about eleven fifteen.Mr.Everett had not yet come.Bands played continuously to pass the time.At noon, Mr.Everett finally appeared.第二天上午十一点从葛底斯堡到墓地的游行开始了。林肯骑在马上。当时看见他的人说他比平时更加弯腰躬背，显得特别疲劳。大约十一时十五分，游行队伍不断奏乐以消磨时间。中午时分，艾弗莱特先生总算来了。

There were some 15,000 people present.On the platform with Lincoln sat state governors, army officers, foreign ambassadors, members of congress.Mr.Everett first addressed the President, then began his long expected speech.His speech was typical of the extended and colorful public speaking of that period.Among other things, he touched on the geography of the area, the three day battle, European history, Greek history, State’s Rights.The speech lasted for an hour and fifty-seven minutes.At its close, the audience answered with applause which was properly loud and long.那天的会约有一万五千人出席。和林肯一起坐在主席台上的有各州州长、军官、外国大使、议员等。艾弗莱特先生先向总统致意，然后发表人们引颈以待的长篇演说。他的演说是当时流行的那种词藻华丽而又冗长的典型。他谈到葛斯底堡一带的地理，三天的战争，欧洲、希腊的历史，州的权力问题，等等，等等。讲了一小时五十七分钟。结束时，听从报以响亮的，长度恰如其分的掌声。

Lincoln then rose to speak.Everett was a tall, very handsome man, who always dressed extremely well, Lincoln’s bent and tired figure, his careless dress were in strong contrast to the impression left by Everett.Lincoln put on his glassed, took from his inside coat pocket the two small sheets of paper on which he had written his speech.However, by this time he knew most of the speech from memory, so he referred to the sheets only briefly.He spoke slowly and clearly, but his speech lasted just five minutes.It contained only nine sentences, ending with the famous words concerning a “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

接着林肯站起来讲话。艾弗莱特个子高高的，英俊潇洒，衣着讲究。林肯却是疲惫躬腰不修边幅，在艾弗莱特面前，显得相形见绌。林肯戴上眼镜，从上衣夹层的口袋里掏出两张小纸片的讲话稿。但此时对讲话的内容他已大致记熟，只偶尔地向稿纸瞟上一眼。他讲得慢而清楚，只讲了五分钟，九句话。讲话以“一个民有、民治、民享的政府”这句名言结束。

Lincoln spoke with honor of the war dead at Gettysburg, saying, “The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.” But he placed chief emphasis upon the task ahead, the task so dear to his own heart.That of preserving the Union and carrying forward the principles of democracy upon which the country was based.林肯高度赞颂在葛底斯堡之战中捐躯的将士，他说：“我们在这里说些什么，世人不会注意，也不会长期记住，但是英雄们的行动却永远不会被人遗忘”。林肯着重讲了今后的任务，也是他的心愿，即维护合众国不致分裂，并把作为建国基础的民主原则贯彻到底。

When Lincoln finished, there was a moment of silence – not out of respect or admiration for anything he had said.The audience simply expected a longer speech, When Lincoln returned to his seat, there was polite applause.“The ceremony then being over, the crowd broke up quickly and lost no time in returning to their homes.”

林肯讲完后，全场沉默片刻。这并非对他的讲话相肃然起敬，而是人们没有想到他的演说这么短。林肯回到座位上时，听众中发出几声出自礼貌的掌声。然后，仪式结束，人们纷纷退场，赶紧各自回家去了。

林肯：葛底斯堡演说 第3篇

1863年11月19日,正值美国内战中葛底斯堡战役结束后4个半月,林肯在宾夕法尼亚州的葛底斯堡国家公墓（Gettysburg National Cemetery）揭幕式中发表这篇演说,哀悼在长达5个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。这是美国历史上最伟大的演说之一。

87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们今天在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文 第4篇

 The Gettysburg Address

 Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

 November 19, 1863



Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of

freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth. 主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

 时间：1863年11月19日

 地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡



八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。



我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。



但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

“民有、民治、民享”，这是亚伯拉罕．林肯在盖茨堡演说时，描绘一个理想的政府。这简短的几个字道出了民主的真谛。政府不是统治人民而是受人民所统治。民选的官员被认为是人民的公仆，他们代表的是他们的选民。人们可经由投票，向他们的代表陈情、甚至于组织和平的示威活动，来发表心声，参与政事。每一个公民都有一份保护自身利益的权利与义务，来决定他们的政府该如何执政。

中山先生的三民主义和林肯的的三民主义之间是有联系的，并非凭空推断，其实也是源于中山先生自己的解释。1921年3月6日，中山先生在中国国民党本部特设办事处发表演说，即《三民主义之具体办法》，其中就提出：“兄弟所底三民主义，是集合古今中外底学说应世界底潮流所得的。就是美国前总统林肯底主义，也有与兄弟底三民主义符合底地方，其原文为The govenment of the people，by thepeople，and forthe people。这话苦于没有适当底译文，兄弟把它译作“民有”、“民治”、“民享”。ofthe people就是民有，by the people就是民治，forthe people就是民享。他这“民有”、“民治”、“民享”主义就是兄弟底“民族”、“民权”、“民生”主义。由此可知美国有今日底富强，都是先哲底主义所赐。而兄弟底三民主义，在比海外底为人已有先得我心的。兄弟回想从前在海外底时候，外国人不知道什么是叫三民主义，尝来问我的。兄弟当时苦无适当底译语回答他，只好援引林肯底主义告诉他，外人然后才了解我底主义。由此更可知兄弟底三民主义，不但是有来历的，而且专为迎合现代底潮流”。

1921年12月7日，中山先生在桂林军政学界七十六团体欢迎会上做《三民主义为造成新世界之工具》的演讲，他又明确底指出：“三民主义，就是民族主义、民权主义、民生主义。这三个主义，和美国大总统林肯所说的“民有”、“民治”、“民享”三层意思，完全是相通的。民有的意思，就是民族主义。我们革命党为什么要提倡民族主义呢？因为满清专制二百多年，我们汉族受过亡国的痛苦，后来又受世界潮流的压迫，恐怕还要灭种，所以有少数人出来提倡鼓吹，要除去专制的异族。到后来全国觉悟，便把征服中国的满清根本推翻，把中国的统治权收回到汉人手里，中国领土完全为汉族所有。十年前革命的成功，就是民族主义成功。所以“民族主义”就是和”民有”的意思一样。革命成功以后，中国的土地和主权，已经由满清皇帝的手里，夺回到中国人民的手里来了。但是我们人民，徒有政治上主权之名，没有政治上主权之实，还是不能治国。必须把政治上的主权，实在拿到人民手里来，才可以治国，才叫做民治。这个达到民治的道理，就叫做民权主义。至于民生主义，是由人类思想觉悟出来的。因为我们既有了土地和主权，自然要想一个完全方法来享受，才能够达到生活上圆满的幸福。怎么样享受生活上幸福的道理，便叫做民生主义。所以说“民有”、“民治”、“民享”就是本大总统生平所提倡的三民主义”。

林肯总统1863年葛底斯堡演讲 第5篇

1863年11月19日

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

[Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865），美国第十六任总统（1861－1865）。他自修法律，以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为总统，导致南方诸州脱离联邦。在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中，他作为总统，发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用，以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕，成功地引导一个处于分裂的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战，从而换救了联邦。他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等，以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想，不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》，因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”。林肯不仅是一个伟大的总统，更是一个伟人。他出生于社会低层，具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德。在美国历届总统中，林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位。林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信，以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称。此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一。虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说，但它没有好战之气。相反，这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞，赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们，以及他们为之献身的那些理想。其中“政府应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂。] 英文原文：

The Gettysburg Address

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

亚伯拉罕林肯的葛底斯堡的演讲 第6篇

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?