演讲稿分为多种写作方式，有的是以会议为中心写作，有的是以事情发生为中心写作。在众多的演讲场合中，该怎么写出适合场景的演讲稿呢？以下是小编整理的关于《人工智能演讲英文》仅供参考，大家一起来看看吧。
第一篇：人工智能演讲英文
人工智能在奔跑演讲稿
刚才大家对机器人开车有一点想法，好像总是感觉不靠谱。汽车——这个曾经被称之为改变了世界的机器，今天受到了人们的质疑，最大的问题是，汽车成了人类的第一杀手。我们做一个简单的调查，你的亲人、朋友、亲人朋友的朋友，在这个大朋友圈里，你有没有发现，其中会有一个人曾经受到过汽车事故的伤害我看到有人点头了，人类开车，更多的情况下，不是汽车的动力学性能不好，而是人有更多的智能要释放，他要看路边的美女好看不好看，结果坏事了，这叫做注意力转移。情绪不稳定，不是我们注意一点就可以的，因为人是个认知主体，他一定要开小差的，他一定要睡眠的，他一定会疲劳的，所以车祸的百分之八十左右都是人为事故，不是车子不好，所以人们对这个人类杀手是耿耿于怀的。我们发明了汽车，为什么让它造成我们的不幸呢
人们对汽车的最大意见应该是把驾驶者的活，交给计算机、交给人工智能、交给科学技术。所以我们就千方百计地提高无人驾驶的可靠性、安全性。经过我们的初步估算，人开车的可靠性是十的负三次方，千分之一;而如果改成机器人开车，计算的结果是十的负五次方，比人开车的事故率会降低百分之一，所以安全问题就解决了。
大家都比较关注刚才看到的那些摄像头，这些摄像头大概跟手机的那个摄像头的价格差不多，一两百块钱就可以了。但是，要想看红绿灯，看高速行驶的障碍物，这个摄像头还是需要有一些特殊能力的，比如说高动态。大家知道摄像头的一个最大问题就是光照，夜间要开车，大雾天也要开车，所以摄像头的难度很大。我想告诉大家光有传感器还不够，这就是认知的作用，智能车本质上就是驾驶认知的形式化，需要一个脑子来认知。
重点是要讲一下驾驶脑。我们去年用一辆大客车和几辆小轿车，从郑州到开封实现了全程的无人驾驶。我们课题组利用这么多年的时间专门从事驾驶脑、驾驶认知的形式化，还是尝到了一些兴奋点，这件事情不是那么容易的。郑州到开封的实验成功之后，美国一个叫做“连线”的网站给我们做了个评论，它说：谷歌那个小车子叫smart car(智能汽车)，固然性感，大车子也性感，我才知道智能公交车，还可以用“性感”这个词来形容。在智能驾驶当中，我们实际上走了很多的路程，XX年，我们从北京到天津，在高速公路封闭的道路上做无人驾驶，大家可以看一看这段视频，是三四年前的事情了。
当时的媒体也很震惊，觉得我们从北京到天津无人驾驶很了不起，其实震惊的不应该是这件事，而是我们汽车的头顶上没有顶美国的64线激光雷达。我们用的比较简单的雷达就把它做到了，我觉得这一点还是值得骄傲的。很多开车的朋友都说开车是个乐趣，是人追求惊喜历险的乐趣，我们用上海汽车集团的一辆新概念车叫iGS，做了一个赛车考驾照的科目，叫做十八米绕桩，既要快又不能碰到锥形标。你看(视频)，又要快又不能碰到这个锥形标。智能驾驶是个不可改变的方向，我们人要坐在车里面干什么呢优雅地享受移动生活呀，这多好呀。
人工智能六十年了，今天我们来看人工智能在我们这一代人身上到底发生了多大的变化。今年AlphaGo围棋跟九段围棋手李世石下了五盘，四比一赢了，震撼了全世界。不知道在座的有没有看看这个围棋现场，我想问一问，围棋是我们中国的传统文化，在座的会下围棋的举下手，还是少了一点。AlphaGo围棋能赢，反映了我们人工智能在奔跑的道路上已经有了一个新的里程碑。我想了一下，你到汽车装配厂，到很多生产线去看，都是工业机器人在干活，这是一个方面，所以我们国家提出了智能制造2025。另外还有一个方面，就是农业。大家知道由于现在我们国家的城镇化，使得很多农村人到城里来了，尤其是青年人。中国的下一代农民的平均年龄你们想过没有，可能是多少岁我先告诉你们两个数字，日本的农民的平均年龄是65岁，美国的农民的平均年龄是60岁，中国的农民将来可能是50岁。年轻人都出来了，那靠什么呢。下一代的新农民就是无人拖拉机、无人收割机、农用无人机。所以我们可以憧憬一下，人工智能给我们的精准农业、智慧农业展示了很好的前景。尤其是服务机器人，我家里有个闹钟，六点钟就响，在一定程度上也可以叫作叫醒机器人，只不过比较简单。如果你家里有很多家务活，而一个人有十个机器人为你服务，我们不是可以更加有尊严、更加优雅、更加有智慧地生活吗所以我的观点是：大家对人工智能还要多想一点，就像我们对科学要有一颗敬畏之心一样，对人工智能也要有一颗敬畏之心。我们一定可以与机器人共舞，而且在共舞的过程当中，我想人类还是领舞者。
第二篇：英文演讲作文
Good morning! Dear teacher,dear students.I am honored to have a chance to speak to you today. The topic of my speech today is . I see on TV ,In Africa,the children are dying of hunger. We never want to see the children in hunger. There is no doubt that,we need a peaceful would,without wars,without death. So what shou
早上好! 尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们，很荣幸今天有机会和你们讲话。今天我演讲的题目是<------。
我在电视上看到，在非洲，孩子们饿死。我们从不想看到饥饿的孩子。毫无疑问，我们需要一个和平的世界，没有战争，没有死亡。 那么我该怎么办?可以做什么?
我想提醒大家，我们有共同的责任。我们不仅要掌握一些知识，而且要提高我们的能力我真诚地希望，通过我们的共同努力。
在未来的世界里，即使在非洲，阳光灿烂，天空是蓝的，田野是绿的，河水清澈，孩子们为每一个男孩和女孩唱着爱的歌。
将来，太空飞机会把人带到任何周围的地方，我们可能生活在海上，在月球上，在星星上---当然，机器人将在人们日常生活中扮演重要角色,我们有魔法书--- 最后谢谢大家的聆听，这就是全部。
第三篇：英文演讲
演讲稿一：
My understanding of Friendship
Good morning (or afternoon), my teachers and classmates!
Today, I would like to give a speech about ‘Friendship’.
Friendship is important to us. Good friends are like gems. We all need friends. We cannot live in this world alone without friends. We need friends during our happy and sad times. They would share our joy and sadness with us. Good friends are always on our side to comfort and console us. They would provide us with encouragement. When we fall, good friends help us get back on our feet.
My best friend is XXX. He is helpful and supportive, whenever I need a helping hand or a listening ear. I remember he helped me in my schoolwork. He helped me sweeping the classroom floor. And he also helped me a lot of other things. Of course I also helped him quite a lot. I wish to take this opportunity to say to XXX, let’s keep our friendship going on! Thank you!
演讲稿二：
Good morning (or afternoon), my teachers and classmates!
The friend in need is a friend in deed 患难见真情
A life without friend is a life without sun! Many people will in and out of our life,but only true friend will leave footprints in our hearts. 人生没有朋友,犹如生活无太阳。很多人会在我们的生命出现,但是只有真正的朋友会在我们的心里留下脚印。
They like the bright lights in the dark, accompaning with us through the fear and confusion, guiding us to the right way of a nice future. They try their best to help us without thinking what they can get from it. 他们如同黑暗中明亮的阳光，陪伴我们度过恐惧和困惑，指引我们走向正确的道路。他们尽他们最大的努力来帮助我们却从不考虑他们能从中得到什么。
They like a warm coat in the rainy day, giving us strength to getting rid of dilemma, embracing us with big arms. They convince us that nothing is hard to conquer as long as they are with us. 他们如同下雨天的温暖外套，给我们力量去摆脱困境，用他们宽大的臂膀来拥抱我们。
他们让我们知道只要有他们在身边没有什么是不能战胜的。
They like a rule to point out our shortcomings, just hoping us to present best in front of others. The man who tells your faults is the one who really cares about you. 他们如同一把标尺指出我们身上的缺点，只是希望我们能在其他人面前表现出最好的自己。能够指出你身上不足的人才是真正关心你的人。
An ordinary friend has never seen your tears,but a real friend has shoulders for you to dilute your tears. An ordinary friend will take a bottle of wine to your part, but a real friend will come early to help you prepare,and go back late to help you tidy. An ordinary friend call you to talk about your trouble, but a real friend call you to handle your trouble 一个普通的朋友从未看过你流泪,但一个真正的朋友却给你肩膀让你依靠。一个普通的朋友会带瓶葡萄酒参加你的派对,但一个真正的朋友会最早一个来帮你准备，最晚一个走来帮你收拾残局。一个普通的朋友打电话给你聊聊你的麻烦,但一个真正的朋友告诉你怎么样处理你的烦恼。
If you establish your friendship when you are in trouble, please cherish it. Otherwise when you lose it, you will find that how important it is. 如果你在困难的时候建立起这份友谊的，请珍惜它，否则当你失去的时候，你会发现它是多么的重要。
演讲稿三(诗歌)：
A forever friend 永远的朋友
A friend walk in when the rest of the world walks out. 别人都走开的时候，朋友仍与你在一起。”
Sometimes in life,
有时候在生活中，
you find a special friend,
你会找到一个特别的朋友;，
someone who changes your life just by being part of it.
他只是你生活中的一部分内容，却能改变你整个的生活。
someone who makes you laugh until you cant stop;
他会把你逗得开怀大笑;
someone who makes you believe that there really is good in the world.
他会让你相信人间有真情。
someone who convinces you that there really is an unlocked door just waiting for you to open it. 他会让你确信，真的有一扇不加锁的门，在等待着你去开启。
This is forever friendship.
这就是永远的友谊。
When you’re down,
当你失意，
and the world seems dark and empty,
当世界变得黯淡与空虚，
your forever friend lifts you up in spirits and makes that dark and empty world suddenly seem bright and full.
你真正的朋友会让你振作起来，原本黯淡、空虚的世界顿时变得明亮和充实。
your forever friend gets you through the hard times, the sad times, and the confused times.
你真正的朋友会与你一同度过困难、伤心和烦恼的时刻。
If you turn and walk away,
你转身走开时，
your forever friend follows,
真正的朋友会紧紧相随，
if you lose you way,
你迷失方向时，
your forever friend guides you and cheers you on.
真正的朋友会引导你，鼓励你。
your forever friend holds your hand and tells you that everything is going to be okay.
真正的朋友会握着你的手，告诉你一切都会好起来的。
and if you find such a friend,
如果你找到了这样的朋友，
you feel happy and complete,
你会快乐，觉得人生完整，
because you need not worry,
因为你无需再忧虑。
your have a forever friend for life,
你拥有了一个真正的朋友，
and forever has no end.
永永远远，永无止境。
第四篇：英文新闻演讲
奥巴马敦促共和党人为全体美国人努力
President Barack Obama said the country would fare better if Republicans in Congress would work harder at providing opportunities for all Americans.
美国总统奥巴马说，如果国会共和党人能在为所有美国人提供机会方面更努力工作，美国就能更加公平。
The president said in his weekly address Republicans have voted more than 50 times to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare, that provides health care insurance for millions of people. Obama said "imagine if they voted 50 times on serious jobs bills."
奥巴马在他每周的例行讲话中说，共和党人50多次投票阻止了平价医保法案，也就是人们所说的“奥巴马医保”。该医保为数以百万美国民众提供健康保险。奥巴马总统说，“试想如果他们能为严肃的工作机会投票50次”。
The president said he has acted 20 times on his own this year to "create jobs and expand opportunity" for Americans.
奥巴马说，今年他本人已经采取了20次行动为美国民众“创造和扩展就业机会”。
In the Republican address, Senator Marco Rubio of Florida says the president should be imposing tougher sanctions on Russia over unrest in Ukraine.来自佛罗里达州的国会参议员马可.卢比奥在共和党的每周例行讲话中说，针对乌克兰**的局势，奥巴马应该对俄罗斯施加更强硬的制裁。
第五篇：经典英文演讲16
Theodore ("Teddy") Roosevelt: "The Man with the Muck-rake" delivered 14 April 1906
Over a century ago Washington laid the corner-stone of the Capitol in what was then little more than a tract of wooded wilderness here beside the Potomac. We now find it necessary to provide great additional buildings for the business of the government. This growth in the need for the housing of the government is but a proof and example of the way in which the nation has grown and the sphere of action of the National Government has grown. We now administer the affairs of a nation in which the extraordinary growth of population has been outstripped by the growth of wealth and the growth in complex interests.
The material problems that face us to-day are not such as they were in Washington’s time, but the underlying facts of human nature are the same now as they were then. Under altered external form we war with the same tendencies toward evil that were evident in Washington’s time, and are helped by the same tendencies for good.
It is about some of these that I wish to say a word to-day. In Bunyan’s “Pilgrim’s Progress” you may recall the description of the Man with the Muck-rake, the man who could look no way but downward, with the muck-rake in his hand; who was offered a celestial crown for his muck-rake, but who would neither look up nor regard the crown he was offered, but continued to rake to himself the filth of the floor.
In “Pilgrim’s Progress” the Man with the Muck-rake is set forth as the example of him whose vision is fixed on carnal instead of on spiritual things. Yet he also typifies the man who in this life consistently refuses to see aught that is lofty, and fixes his eyes with solemn intentness only on that which is vile and debasing. Now, it is very necessary that we should not flinch from seeing what is vile and debasing. There is filth on the floor and it must be scraped up with the muck-rake; and there are times and places where this service is the most needed of all the services that can be performed. But the man who never does anything else, who never thinks or speaks or writes, save of his feats with the muck-rake, speedily becomes, not a help to society, not an incitement to good, but one of the most potent forces for evil.
There are, in the body politic, economic and social, many and grave evils, and there is urgent necessity for the sternest war upon them. There should be relentless exposure of and attack upon every evil man whether politician or business man, every evil practice, whether in politics, in business, or in social life. I hail as a benefactor every writer or speaker, every man who, on the platform, or in book, magazine, or newspaper, with merciless severity makes such attack, provided always that he in his turn remembers that the attack is of use only if it is absolutely truthful. The liar is no whit better than the thief, and if his mendacity takes the form of slander, he may be worse than most thieves. It puts a premium upon knavery untruthfully to attack an honest man, or even with hysterical exaggeration to assail a bad man with untruth. An epidemic of indiscriminate assault upon character does not good, but very great harm. The soul of every scoundrel is gladdened whenever an honest man is assailed, or even when a scoundrel is untruthfully assailed. Now, it is easy to twist out of shape what I have just said, easy to affect to misunderstand it, and, if it is slurred over in repetition, not difficult really to misunderstand it. Some persons are sincerely incapable of understanding that to denounce mud-slinging does not mean the endorsement of whitewashing; and both the interested individuals who need whitewashing, and those others who practice mud-slinging, like to encourage such confusion of ideas. One of the chief counts against those who make indiscriminate assault upon men in business or men in public life, is that they invite a reaction which is sure to tell powerfully in favor of the unscrupulous scoundrel who really ought to be attacked, who ought to be exposed, who ought, if possible, to be put in the penitentiary. If Aristides is praised overmuch as just, people get tired of hearing it; and overcensure of the unjust finally and from similar reasons results in their favor.
Any excess is almost sure to invite a reaction; and, unfortunately, the reaction, instead of taking the form of punishment of those guilty of the excess, is very apt to take the form either of punishment of the unoffending or of giving immunity, and even strength, to offenders. The effort to make financial or political profit out of the destruction of character can only result in public calamity. Gross and reckless assaults on character, whether on the stump or in newspaper, magazine, or book, create a morbid and vicious public sentiment, and at the same time act as a profound deterrent to able men of normal sensitiveness and tend to prevent them from entering the public service at any price.
As an instance in point, I may mention that one serious difficulty encountered in getting the right type of men to dig the Panama Canal is the certainty that they will be exposed, both without, and, I am sorry to say, sometimes within, Congress, to utterly reckless assaults on their character and capacity.
At the risk of repetition let me say again that my plea is, not for immunity to but for the most unsparing exposure of the politician who betrays his trust, of the big business man who makes or spends his fortune in illegitimate or corrupt ways. There should be a resolute effort to hunt every such man out of the position he has disgraced. Expose the crime, and hunt down the criminal; but remember that even in the case of crime, if it is attacked in sensational, lurid, and untruthful fashion, the attack may do more damage to the public mind than the crime itself. It is because I feel that there should be no rest in the endless war against the forces of evil that I ask that the war be conducted with sanity as well as with resolution.
The men with the muck-rakes are often indispensable to the well-being of society; but only if they know when to stop raking the muck, and to look upward to the celestial crown above them, to the crown of worthy endeavor.
There are beautiful things above and roundabout them; and if they gradually grow to feel that the whole world is nothing but muck, their power of usefulness is gone. If the whole picture is painted black there remains no hue whereby to single out the rascals for distinction from their fellows. Such painting finally induces a kind of moral color-blindness; and people affected by it come to the conclusion that no man is really black, and no man is really white, but they are all gray. In other words, they neither believe in the truth of the attack, nor in the honesty of the man who is attacked; they grow as suspicious of the accusation as of the offense; it becomes well-nigh hopeless to stir them either to wrath against wrong-doing or to enthusiasm for what is right; and such a mental attitude in the public gives hope to every knave, and is the despair of honest men.
To assail the great and admitted evils of our political and industrial life with such crude and sweeping generalizations as to include decent men in the general condemnation means the searing of the public conscience. There results a general attitude either of cynical belief in and indifference to public corruption or else of a distrustful inability to discriminate between the good and the bad. Either attitude is fraught with untold damage to the country as a whole. The fool who has not sense to discriminate between what is good and what is bad is well-nigh as dangerous as the man who does discriminate and yet chooses the bad. There is nothing more distressing to every good patriot, to every good American, than the hard, scoffing spirit which treats the allegation of dishonesty in a public man as a cause for laughter.
Such laughter is worse than the crackling of thorns under a pot, for it denotes not merely the vacant mind, but the heart in which high emotions have been choked before they could grow to fruition.
There is any amount of good in the world, and there never was a time when loftier and more disinterested work for the betterment of mankind was being done than now. The forces that tend for evil are great and terrible, but the forces of truth and love and courage and honesty and generosity and sympathy are also stronger than ever before. It is a foolish and timid, no less than a wicked, thing to blink the fact that the forces of evil are strong, but it is even worse to fail to take into account the strength of the forces that tell for good.
Hysterical sensationalism is the very poorest weapon wherewith to fight for lasting righteousness. The men who with stern sobriety and truth assail the many evils of our time, whether in the public press or in magazines, or in books, are the leaders and allies of all engaged in the work for social and political betterment. But if they give good reason for distrust of what they say, if they chill the ardor of those who demand truth as a primary virtue, they thereby betray the good cause, and play into the hands of the very men against whom they are nominally at war.
In his “Ecclesiastical Polity” that fine old Elizabethan divine, Bishop Hooker, wrote: “He that goeth about to persuade a multitude that they are not so well governed as they ought to be, shall never want attentive and favorable hearers; because they know the manifold defects whereunto every kind of regimen is subject, but the secret lets and difficulties, which in public proceedings are innumerable and inevitable, they have not ordinarily the judgment to consider.”
This truth should be kept constantly in mind by every free people desiring to preserve the sanity and poise indispensable to the permanent success of self-government. Yet, on the other hand, it is vital not to permit this spirit to sanity and self-command to degenerate into mere mental stagnation. Bad though a state of hysterical excitement is, and evil though the results are which come from the violent oscillations such excitement invariably produces, yet a sodden acquiescence in evil is even worse.
At this moment we are passing through a period of great unrest—social, political, and industrial unrest. It is of the utmost importance for our future that this should prove to be not the unrest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere dissatisfaction with the inevitable inequality of conditions, but the unrest of a resolute and eager ambition to secure the betterment of the individual and the nation. So far as this movement of agitation throughout the country takes the form of a fierce discontent with evil, of a determination to punish the authors of evil, whether in industry or politics, the feeling is to be heartily welcomed as a sign of healthy life. If, on the other hand, it turns into a mere crusade of appetite against appetite, of a contest between the brutal greed of the “have-nots” and the brutal greed of the “haves,” then it has no significance for good, but only for evil. If it seeks to establish a line of cleavage, not along the line which divides good men from bad, but along that other line, running at right angles thereto, which divides those who are well off from those who are less well off, then it will be fraught with immeasurable harm to the body politic.
We can no more and no less afford to condone evil in the man of capital than evil in the man of no capital. The wealthy man who exults because there is a failure of justice in the effort to bring some trust magnate to an account for his misdeeds is as bad as, and no worse than, the so-called labor leader who clamorously strives to excite a foul class feeling on behalf of some other labor leader who is implicated in murder. One attitude is as bad as the other, and no worse; in each case the accused is entitled to exact justice; and in neither case is there need of action by others which can be construed into an expression of sympathy for crime. It is a prime necessity that if the present unrest is to result in permanent good the emotion shall be translated into action, and that the action shall be marked by honesty, sanity, and self-restraint. There is mighty little good in a mere spasm of reform. The reform that counts is that which comes through steady, continuous growth; violent emotionalism leads to exhaustion.
It is important to this people to grapple with the problems connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use of those fortunes, both corporate and individual, in business. We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes well-won and fortunes ill-won; between those gained as an incident to performing great services to the community as a whole, and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within the limits of mere law-honesty. Of course no amount of charity in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal conviction, and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on all fortunes, beyond a certain amount either given in life or devised or bequeathed upon death to any individual—a tax so framed as to put it out of the power of the owner of one of these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount to any one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by the National and not the State Government.
Such taxation should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen beyond all healthy limits. Again, the National Government must in some form exercise supervision over corporations engaged in interstate business—and all large corporations are engaged in interstate business—whether by license or otherwise, so as to permit us to deal with the far-reaching evils of overcapitalization. This year we are making a beginning in the direction of serious effort to settle some of these economic problems by the railway-rate legislation. Such legislation, if so framed, as I am sure it will be, as to secure definite and tangible results, will amount to something of itself; and it will amount to a great deal more in so far as it is taken as a first step in the direction of a policy of superintendence and control over corporate wealth engaged in interstate commerce, this superintendence and control not to be exercised in a spirit of malevolence toward the men who have created the wealth, but with the firm purpose both to do justice to them and to see that they in their turn do justice to the public at large.
The first requisite in the public servants who are to deal in this shape with corporations, whether as legislators or as executives, is honesty. This honesty can be no respecter of persons. There can be no such thing as unilateral honesty. The danger is not really from corrupt corporations; it springs from the corruption itself, whether exercised for or against corporations.
The eighth commandment reads: “Thou shalt not steal.” It does not read: “Thou shalt not steal from the rich man.” It does not read: “Thou shalt not steal from the poor man.” It reads simply and plainly: “Thou shalt not steal.”
No good whatever will come from that warped and mock morality which denounces the misdeeds of men of wealth and forgets the misdeeds practiced at their expense; which denounces bribery, but blinds itself to blackmail; which foams with rage if a corporation secures favors by improper methods, and merely leers with hideous mirth if the corporation is itself wronged. The only public servant who can be trusted honestly to protect the rights of the public against the misdeeds of a corporation is that public man who will just as surely protect the corporation itself from wrongful aggression.
If a public man is willing to yield to popular clamor and do wrong to the men of wealth or to rich corporations, it may be set down as certain that if the opportunity comes he will secretly and furtively do wrong to the public in the interest of a corporation.
But, in addition to honesty, we need sanity. No honesty will make public man useful if that man is timid or foolish, if he is a hot-headed zealot or an impracticable visionary. As we strive for reform we find that it is not at all merely the case of a long up-hill pull. On the contrary, there is almost as much of breeching work as of collar work; to depend only on traces means that there will soon be a runaway and an upset.
The men of wealth who today are trying to prevent the regulation and control of their business in the interest of the public by the proper government authorities will not succeed, in my judgment, in checking the progress of the movement. But if they did succeed they would find that they had sown the wind and would surely reap the whirlwind, for they would ultimately provoke the violent excesses which accompany a reform coming by convulsion instead of by steady and natural growth.
On the other hand, the wild preachers of unrest and discontent, the wild agitators against the entire existing order, the men who act crookedly, whether because of sinister design or from mere puzzle-headedness, the men who preach destruction without proposing any substitute for what they intend to destroy, or who propose a substitute which would be far worse than the existing evils—all these men are the most dangerous opponents of real reform. If they get their way they will lead the people into a deeper pit than any into which they could fall under the present system. If they fail to get their way they will still do incalculable harm by provoking the kind of reaction which, in its revolt against the senseless evil of their teaching, would enthrone more securely than ever the very evils which their misguided followers believe they are attacking.
More important then aught else is the development of the broadest sympathy of man for man. The welfare of the wage-worker, the welfare of the tiller of the soil, upon these depend the welfare of the entire country; their good is not to be sought in pulling down others; but their good must be the prime object of all our statesmanship.
Materially we must strive to secure a broader economic opportunity for all men, so that each shall have a better chance to show the stuff of which he is made.
Spiritually and ethically we must strive to bring about clean living and right thinking. We appreciate also that the things of the soul are immeasurably more important.
The foundation-stone of national life is, and ever must be, the high individual character of the average citizen.