演讲稿分为多种写作格式，有的演讲稿是以工作总结的方式，有的演讲稿是以主题的方式。你知道如何写出主题明确的演讲稿吗？以下是小编收集整理的《美国总统演讲稿中英文》，欢迎大家借鉴与参考，希望对大家有所帮助！
第一篇：美国总统演讲稿中英文
美国总统奥巴马的就职演讲(中英双语)
美国总统奥巴马的就职演讲
《Change Has Come To America》 《美国的变革时代已经到来》 Hello, Chicago. 芝加哥的市民们，你们好!
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference. 如果还有人对在美国是否凡事皆有可能这一点存疑，还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们所处的时代是否依然鲜活，还有人质疑我们的民主制度的力量，那么今晚，这些问题都有了答案。这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案;是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。
It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled – Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America. 这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案--无论老少贫富，无论是民主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人--我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。 It’s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day. 长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。
It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America. 已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。
I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead. 我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。
I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden. 我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴--已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。
I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation’s next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the White House. And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure. 如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米歇尔?奥巴马(Michelle Obama)。萨莎(Sasha)和玛丽亚(Malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。
To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics – you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done. 我的竞选经理大卫?普劳夫(David Plouffe)、首席策略师大卫?艾克斯罗德(David Axelrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队--是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。
But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to – it belongs to you. 但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属--它属于你们。
I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington – it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston. 我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。
It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory. 我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法;他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微薄、极其辛苦的工作;同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传;更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。
I know you didn’t do this just to win an election and I know you didn’t do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime – two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor’s bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair. 我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战—两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国士兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还按揭月供、付医药费或是存够钱送孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会;我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多盟国的关系。
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America – I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you – we as a people will get there. 前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺—我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。 There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it’s been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years – block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand. 我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式—一砖一瓦而成、胼手胝足相续。
What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek – it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you. 21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变—这只是我们进行改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变。
So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers – in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people. 因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训：我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街—在这个国家，我们患难与共。 Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House – a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, “We are not enemies, but friends„though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.” And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn – I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too. 让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到令美国政治长期深受毒害的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友„„虽然激情可能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。 And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world – our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down – we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security – we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright – tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope. 那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新的美国领袖诞生了。那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。 For that is the true genius of America – that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow. 这才是美国真正的精华—美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日臻完善。我们取得的成就为我们将来能够取得的以及必须取得的成就增添了希望。
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing – Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old. 这次大选创造了多项“第一”，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女：安?尼克松?库波尔(Ann Nixon Cooper)。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她已是106岁的高龄。
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons – because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin. 她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束;那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机;当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票--一是她是女性，另一个原因是她的肤色。
And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America – the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can. 今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种：心痛和希望;挣扎和进步;那些我们被告知我们办不到的世代，以及那些坚信美国信条—是的，我们能做到—的人们。 At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can. 曾几何时，妇女没有发言权，她们的希望化作泡影，但是安?尼克松?库波尔活了下来，看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们大声发表自己的见解，看到她们去参加大选投票。是的，我们能做到。
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can. 当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条引发人们的绝望之情时，她看到一个国家用罗斯福新政、新就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can. 当炸弹袭击了我们的海港、独裁专制威胁到全世界，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家被拯救。是的，我们能做到。 She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can. 她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们：我们能成功。是的，我们能做到。
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can. 人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界因我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，就在这次选举中，她用手指触碰屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了106年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。是的，我们能做到。
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves – if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made? 美国，我们已经走过漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，让我们自问—如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪;如果我们的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，他们将会看到怎样的改变?我们将会取得怎样的进步?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time – to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth – that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:Yes We Can. 现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻。这是我们的时代—让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会的大门;恢复繁荣发展，推进和平事业;让“美国梦”重新焕发光芒，再次证明这样一个基本的真理：我们是一家人;一息尚存，我们就有希望;当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要以这个永恒的信条来回应他们：是的，我们能做到。
Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America. 感谢你们。上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
第二篇：2013年美国总统奥巴马就职演说中英文对照文稿(全)
Read the inaugural speech and compare it with JFK‘s Speech to find any commonalities and differences in lexis, syntax, rhetoric, emotions and style. You may need to take different historical era of their presidency into consideration. Write a 300-word report and submit next week.2013年美国总统奥巴马就职演说中英文对照文稿(全)
北京时间1月22日凌晨，贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马宣誓就职第四十四任美利坚合众国总统并发表就职演说。奥巴马在演讲中追溯美国民主传统和宪法精神，强调了民众的力量。演讲中涉及了包括就业、医保、移民和同性恋等多项议题，以下为奥巴马就职演说全文：
MR. OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
谢谢，非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:
当我们每次聚集在一起为总统举行就职典礼时，我们都是在见证美国宪法的不朽力量。我们是在又一次立下美国民主的承诺。 我们再次提醒说，把这个国家凝聚在一起的不是我们的肤色，不是信仰的教条，也不是我们的姓氏源于何处。使我们与众不同——使我们成为美国人——的，是我们对一个在两个多世纪以前发表的宣言中所表述的理念：
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”
“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，他们都从他们的造物主那里被赋予了某些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。”
Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.
今天，我们仍在继续这个永恒的旅程，让那些字句体现在我们这个时代的现实中。因为历史告诉我们，虽然这些真理是不言而喻的，但它们却不会自动实现;虽然自由是上帝给我们的礼物，但自由只能靠他在世间的子民的奋斗才能获得。1776年爱国先驱们所进行的斗争并不是以少数人的特权或乌合之众的统治来
替代专制君主。他们为我们缔造的是一个共和国，一个民有、民治、民享的政府，并将捍卫这个建国理念的任务交给一代又一代的后人。
For more than two hundred years, we have.
两百多年的历史证明，我们做到了。
Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.
从皮鞭下和刺刀尖流出的鲜血中，我们发现，建立在自由和平等原则之上的合众国不能一半是蓄奴的，一半是自由的。我们浴火重生，我们发誓共同努力向前。
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers.
我们共同决定，现代经济需要铁路和公路，以加快旅行和商业，也需要中小学和大学来培训我们的工人。
Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.
我们一起发现，只有确保竞争和公平的法规健全，自由市场才能欣欣向荣。
Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.
我们一同决定，一个伟大国家必须关照弱者，并保护我们的人民免受生活中最严重的危险和不幸。
Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, are constants in our character.
在做这一切的时候，我们从来没有放弃对政府集中权力的怀疑，我们也没有屈就于那种相信只靠政府就可以解决所有社会弊病的幻想。我们一直保持着自己的秉性，推崇创造力和企业家精神，坚持辛勤工作和个人责任。
But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.
但是我们也很明白，随着时代的变化，我们也必须变化;我们出于对基本原则的忠诚，需要对新的挑战做出新的回应;我们为保护个人自由就最终需要集体作出努力。美国人民如果再单打独斗去应付当今世界的挑战，等于让美国军队以长枪和民兵组织去面对法西斯主义或共产主义的武装。没有任何一个个人有能力训练出我们后代的教育需要的所有数学和科学教师，或者建造出能把新的工作和商业机会带给我们的道路、网络、实验室。现在比以往任何时候都需要我们共同努力，作为一个国家人民的整体，来做这些事情。
This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we
are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.
我们这一代美国人经历过危机的考验，这些危机坚定了我们的决心，也证明了我们的耐力。长达10年的战争即将结束，经济复苏已经开始，美国的潜力是无限的，因为我们拥有这个全球化的世界需要的所有特质：我们年轻有动力，多元而开放，我们有应对危机的无限能力和创新发展的天赋。美国同胞们，我们为这个时刻而生，只要我们共同努力，我们就能牢牢抓住这个机会。
For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.
我们美国人知道，我们的国家不可能在只有越来越少的人富有、越来越多的人捉襟见肘的情况下取得成功，我们相信美国的繁荣有赖于更多的人成为中产阶级，我们知道美国的振兴取决于每个人都能在工作中找到独立与自信，也取决于人们诚实的劳动让家庭脱离贫困。当一个出身贫困的年轻女孩知道，她与任何人都享有同样的成功机会，身为美国人，她不仅仅是在上帝眼中，而且在每一个人的眼中，她都享有自由与平等，这样我们才算是遵守了立国的原则。
We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed. 我们明白，目前那些陈旧的政府计划跟不上时代。我们必须驾驭新的思想和技术以重塑政府，更新税法，改革学校，并让公民能够掌握新技能，以便更加努力工作，学习更多的知识，以达到更高的目标。我们的方法虽然会改变，但目的始终如一：建设一个奖励每个人的努力和决心的国家。这是当下所需要的。这是我们信念的真正意义所在。
We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.
我们，美国人，仍然相信，每位公民都应该得到基本的安全和尊严。我们必须作出降低我们的医保费用和赤字规模的艰难抉择。但是，我们拒绝接受这种看法，亦即美国必须在照顾建设了国家的那代人和投资于开创国家未来的那代人之间作出选择。我们记得过去的教训：老人的暮年在贫困中度过，残疾孩子的父母走投无路。我们不相信，在这个国家里自由只属于幸运者，幸福只属于少数人。我们知道，无论我们平日如何负责，我们当中任何人，在任何时候，都有可能面临失业、突然生病或者房子被风暴卷走的情况。我们通过联邦医疗保险、医疗补助计划以及社会安全保障为彼此作出的承诺，不仅不会挫伤我们的积极性，反而使我们更加强壮。它们不会使我们成为一群不劳而获的人，反而使我们敢于去冒险，这才使国家强大。
We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all
posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries – we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.
我们，美国人，依然相信我们作为美国人的承诺不仅是对自己的，也是对所有子孙后代的。我们会对气候变化的威胁做出回应，因为我们了解如果不这样做，将会违背对子孙后代的承诺。有些人可能依然不承认科学的判断，但所有人都无法不去正视疯狂的野火、残酷的干旱、更大风暴的袭击。通往可持续发展能源的道路会是漫长的，而且有时会很艰难。但美国不能抗拒这个转变，而是必须领导这个转变。我们不能将可以增加就业、诞生新型产业的这些技术拱手让给其它国家，我们必须拥有这些技术。这是维护我们经济的活力与国家财富的途径，这些财富包括我们的森林、江河、农田、雪山。这是保护我们的地球的途径，那是上帝交给我们去守护的。这也是我们为先驱们宣示的信念增加新的含义的途径。
We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.
我们，美国人，依然相信不必通过无休止的战争就能获得永久的安全与和平。我们的军人久经战火考验，技能和勇气都举世无双。我们的人民永远铭记先烈们的牺牲，珍惜自由的来之不易。不忘先烈们的牺牲将让我们永远对敌人保持警惕。但是我们同样牢记那些不仅能够赢得战争、还能赢得和平、化顽敌为挚友的人们。这些经验教训，我们今天必须发扬光大。
We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully – not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa; from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice – not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice. 我们将通过加强武装力量和法制来保卫我们的人民和价值体系。我们将通过试图与其它国家和平地解决争端来显示我们的勇气——这不是出于对我们面临的危险的无知，而是相信协商能够更长久地解除怀疑与恐惧。美国将继续在世界每个角落都保持积极的联盟，我们也将继续维护那些令我们能够在国外应付危机的机制，因为没有哪个国家会比世界上最强大的国家更需要一个和平的世界。我们将支持从亚洲到非洲、从拉美到中东的民主发展，因为利益和良知促使我们去支持那些希望自由的人们。我们也必须是贫困、疾病、歧视、偏见的受害者们的后援——这不仅仅是出于慈善为怀，也因为我们时代的和平需要不断地推动我们共同信念所基于的原则，包括宽容、机遇、人类尊严与公正。
We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths – that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and
Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.
我们，美国人，今天宣布，最不言自明的真理——人人生而平等——仍然是指引我们的北斗星，就像当年这条真理在色内加瀑布[1]、塞尔玛[2]、石墙[3]这些地方指引着人们，它指引着在这个宏大的草坪上留下了足迹的所有知名和不知名的人们。他们来到这里聆听宣讲，说我们不能独自行进;他们来聆听一位王者[4]说，我们的个人自由与地球上每个人的自由是紧密地联系在一起的。
It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law – for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.
如今到了我们这一代人去接过先驱们开创的使命的时候了。在我们的妻子、母亲、女儿，在得到与她们的付出相符的待遇之前，我们的使命还没有完成;在我们同性恋的兄弟和姐妹像其他人一样在法律上被视真正平等之前，我们的使命还没有完成- 因为如果我们之间真正平等，那么可以肯定，我们所承诺的彼此相爱也必须是平等的。在所有公民行使投票权不必被迫等待几个小时之前，我们的使命还没有完成。在我们找到一个更好的方式来欢迎那些仍然可以把美国看作一个充满机遇的土地，乐于奋斗，充满希望的移民之前，在那些聪明的年轻学生和工程师被纳入到我们的劳动大军之中而不是被驱逐出境之前，我们的使命还没有完成。在从底特律的街头到阿巴拉契亚山间到纽顿安静的小巷中，我们所有的孩子们都知道他们在被关心和爱护，安全有保障之前，我们的使命还没有完成。
That is our generation’s task – to make these words, these rights, these values – of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness – real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we will all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time – but it does require us to act in our time.
这是我们这一代人的使命真正成为每一个美国人的现实。忠实我们国家的创始文件，并不需要我们生活的每一个范畴都看法一致，也并不意味着我们以完全相同的方式定义自由，或者遵循同样的路径追求幸福。进步并不强迫我们放弃几个世纪以来关于所有政府作用的辩论 - 但需要我们在我们的时代采取行动。
For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.
我们现在就要做出抉择，我们不能承受拖延的后果。我们不能误以为毫无妥协余地是在坚持原则，或者以做秀取代政治，或者以相互指责取代理性的辩论。我们必须行动，尽管知道我们的工作不会十全十美。我们必须行动，尽管知道今天的胜利只是部分的成功，它将更多地取决于今后四年、四十年乃至四百年后站在这里的人们，继续发扬从费城独立厅传到我们手中的超越时代的精神。
My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction – and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride.
我的美国同胞们，我今天在你们面前宣誓，就和过去在这座国会山上宣誓过的人一样，是对上帝和国家而不是对一个政党或者派别的誓词。我们必须在任职期间忠实履行我们的誓言。我的誓词，和每次军人接受任务、移民实现梦想时的誓词，并无太大不同;和我们面对在空中飘扬，让我们心中充满自豪的国旗所做的宣誓，也无太大差异。
They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope. You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course.
这些是美国公民的心声，代表了我们最大的希望。
You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time – not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.
你们和我，作为美国公民，有确定国家未来前程的权力。你们和我，作为美国公民，有塑造我们时代话语的责任，不仅通过我们投下的选票，也通过为了维护我们最永久的价值观及理想而发出的大声疾呼。
Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.让我们每个人用庄严的责任和无与伦比的欢悦，来拥抱我们与生俱来的永恒权利。凭借共同的努力，凭借热情和执着，让我们响应历史的召唤，承载一个珍爱自由之光的未知未来。
Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.
感谢你们，上帝保佑你们，愿上帝永远佑护美利坚合众国。
[1] 1848年，美国争取妇女投票权的人士在纽约州的色内加瀑布地区召开大会。这次大会被认为是现代女权运动的开创性事件。
[2] 1965年3月，在美国民权运动的高潮中，非洲裔美国人组织了从阿拉巴马的塞尔玛出发的大游行。游行者与警察发生对峙。
[3] 1969年6月，纽约市警察检查在一个名叫“石墙”的小酒吧，与里面的同性恋者发生暴力冲突，被同性恋权利运动认为是一个标志性的事件。
[4] 这里使用的是双关语。“King”在英文中为“王”之意，但也是马丁·路德·金的姓。
第三篇：美国总统演讲
乔治·华盛顿
美国人民的实验
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order，and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand，I was summoned by my Country，whose voice I can never hearbut with veneration and love,from a retreat which I hadchosen with the fondest predilection,and,in my flattering hopes,with an immutable decision,as the asylum of my declining years-a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination ,and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time .On the other hand ,themagnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me,being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications,could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected .All I dare hope is that if ,in executing this task ,I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances ,or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens,and havethence too litter consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me ,my error will be palliated bythe motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have ,in obedience to the public summons,repaired to the present station ,it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe,who presides in the councils of nations,and whose providential aids can supply every human defect,that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes,and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good,I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own ,nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be boundto acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency,and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude,along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage .These reflections,arising out of the present crisis,have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed .You Will join with me ,I trust,in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the
President“to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”The circumstances under which I now meet you Will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled ,and which,in defining your powers ,designates the objects to which your attention is to be given .It will be more consistent with those circumstances,and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me ,to substitute ,in place of a recommendation of particular measures ,the tribute that is due to the talents ,the rectitude ,and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them .In those honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices,will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests,so , on another ,that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality , and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world .I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire,since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exist in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virture and happiness .between duty and advantage .between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity .since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained.and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the tepublican model of government are justly considered,perhaps,as deeply ,as finally,staked on the experiment rntrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care ,it will remain with your judgement to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system ,or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them .Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject,in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities,I shall again give way to me entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good .for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government,or which ought to await the future lessons of experience,a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the questions how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted .
To the foregoing observations I have one to add ,which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself ,and will therefore be aswbrief as possible .When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country ,then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties ,the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation .From this resolution I have in no instance departed .and being still under the impressions which produced it ,I must decline as inapplicable to myself. any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department ,and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it belimited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require .
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awaken by the occasion which brings us together ,I shall take my present leave .but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in the humble supplication that ,since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility ,and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness ,so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views ,the temperate consultation ,and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
译文
参议院和众议院的公民们:
在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月十四日收到你们送达的通知更使我焦虑不安。一方面，国家召唤我出任总统一职，对于她的召唤，我只能肃然从命。而隐退是我以挚爱心情，满腔希望和坚定决心所选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，越来越感到隐退的必要和珍贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此巨大而艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又没有民政管理经验，应该倍觉自己能力不足，因此必然感到难以担此重任。怀着这种矛盾的心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来恪尽职责，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因沉溺于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我高度的信赖，因而过分受到了影响 ，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会出于使我误入歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在批判错误的后果时，也会适应包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热情地祈求全能的上帝将是一件非常不当的事，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足。愿上帝赐福，保佑一个为了美国人民的自由和幸福而组建的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而做出的贡献，保佑政治的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功的发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表了各位和广大公民的心声。没有人能比美国人民更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人类事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每一步都有某种天佑的现象。他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是由虔诚的感恩而获得的某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是难以同大多数政府在组建过程中所采用的方式相比的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自己。我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即如果不能仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府就无法做到一开始就事事如意。
根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而适宜的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只是提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天欢聚一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当，也更能反应我内心的激情的做法不是提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能，正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派歧视，都不能使我们偏离全局的观念和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和不同利益所组建的大联合政权;因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯正不够的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。
我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界法则和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的
硕果之间，有着密不可分的关系;因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了永恒的秩序和权利法则，他绝不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈颜欢笑;因为人们理所当然地，满怀深情地，也许是最后一次地把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
除了提醒各位注意的一般事务外，在当前的时刻，根据激烈反对共和制的各种意见的性质，或根据引起这些意见的不同程度，在必要时行使宪法第五条授予的权利究竟有多大益处，将依靠你们来加以判断和决定。在这个问题上，我无法从过去担任过的职务中得到借鉴 因此我不提具体的建议，而是再一次完全信任各位对公众利益的辨别和追求;因为我相信，各位只要谨慎，避免做出任何可能危及团结而有效的政府利益的修订，或避免作出应该等待未来经验教训的修订，那么，各位对自由人特有权利的尊重和对社会安定的关注，就足以影响大家慎重考虑应在何种程度上坚定不移地加强前者，并有利无弊的促进后者。
除上述建议外，我还补充一点，而且觉得向众议院提出最恰当。这条意见与我有关，因此应当尽量讲得简短一些。我第一次荣幸地响应号召为国家效劳时，正值我国为自由而艰苦奋斗之际，我对我的职责的看法要求我必须放弃任何俸禄。我从未违背过这一决定。如今，促使我作出这一同样决定的想法仍然支配着我，因此，我必须拒绝对我来说不适宜的任何个人津贴可能被列入并成为政府部门常设基金不可分割的一部分。同样，我必须恳求各位，在估算我就任这个职位所需要的费用时，可以根据我的任期以公众利益所需的实际费用为限。
我已经把有感于这一聚会场合的想法告诉了各位，现在我就要向大家告辞;但在此以前，我还在一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人民有了深思熟虑的机会，有了为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向;因而，同样明显的时，上帝将会保佑我们逐步扩大眼界，稳定地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所比不可缺少的依靠。
第四篇：美国总统林肯演讲稿
Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861
Speech：
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of this office."
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. Top
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. Top
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
第五篇：美国总统励志演讲稿
hello, everybody! thank you. thank you. thank you, everybody. all right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. how is everybody doing today? (applause.) how about tim spicer? (applause.) i am here with students at wakefield high school in arlington, virginia. and we’ve got students tuning in from all across america, from kindergarten through 12th gr
你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iphone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。 and no matter what you want to do with your life, i guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it. you want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? you want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? you’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. you cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. you’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it. 不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗?你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗?你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。 and this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future. what you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. the future of america depends on you. what you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future. 这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。
你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。 we need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. if you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country. 我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。 now, i know it’s not always easy to do well in school. i know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork. 我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。 i get it. i know what it’s like. my father left my family when i was two years old, and i was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had. there were times when i missed having a father in my life. there were times when i was lonely and i felt like i didn’t fit in. 我明白这一点。 我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。 so i wasn’t always as focused as i should have been on school, and i did some things i’m not proud of, and i got in more trouble than i should have. and my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse. 我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。 but i was -- i was lucky. i got a lot of second chances, and i had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. my wife, our first lady michelle obama, she has a similar story. neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money. but they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country. 但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋 ，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。 some of you might not have those advantages. maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around. maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right. 你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要篇二：美国总统演讲稿 remarks of president barack obama weekly address san diego, california saturday, november 19, 2011 today, i’m speaking to you from indonesia as i finish up my trip to the asia pacific – the regionwhere we do most of our trade and sell most of our exports. and over the past week, theprogress we’ve made in opening markets and boosting exports here will help create more jobs andmore growth in the united states. – a goal we’reon pace to meet. and they’re powerful examples of how we can rebuild an economy that’sfocused on what our country has always done best – making and selling products all over theworld that are stamped with three proud words: “made in america.” this is important, because over the last decade, we became a country that relied too much onwhat we bought and consumed. we racked up a lot of debt, but we didn’t create many jobs atall. but building an economy that lasts isn’t just about making things – it’s about opening new marketsfor people to buy them. after all, 95% of the world’s consumers live outside our borders. and asthe fastest-growing region in the world, no market is more important to our economic future thanthe asia pacific region – a region where our exports already support five million american jobs. us trade agreement yet – a partnership withpacific nations that holds the potential for more exports and more jobs in a region of nearly threebillion consumers. 美国总统奥巴马 2010 年开学励志演讲美国总统奥巴马开学演讲英语演讲稿。这是奥巴马第二次发表开学演讲。奥巴马 2009 年的演讲招来了许多批评和抵制。 一些反对者指责称， 奥巴马试图通过演讲向学生灌输政治 理念。部分媒体还批评奥巴马试图建立个人崇拜。在美国各地，也有许多家长向当地教育官 员表示抗议，一些家长甚至威胁在奥巴马演讲时把孩子离教室。有了去年的“教训” ，今年 的总统开学演讲，白宫意强调这是一次“非政治活动” ，而奥巴马本人也在演讲中回避政治 话题。thank you!hello!(applause.)thank you.thank you.well, hello,philadelphia! (applause.) and hello, masterman. (applause.) done that. be here.it is wonderful to see all of you.what a terrific introduction by kelly. give kelly a big round of applause. i was saying backstage that when i was in high school, i could not have (laughter.) i would have muffed it up somehow. so we are so proud and to all the students here, i’ thrilled to mof you and everything that you’ done. ve谢谢!你们好! (掌声。 )谢谢。谢谢。你好，费城! (掌声。 )你好， 马斯特曼。 见到你们真是太好了。 kelly 的介绍真是太棒了。 让我们对 kelly 报以热烈的掌声。在后台的时候我说，我上高中的时候我就做不这么好，我可能 会弄的一团糟。所以让我们为你和你做的一切自豪吧。站在这里我很激动。kelly 在奥巴马总统演讲前，一名叫 kelly 的学生做了演讲。 backstage n.后台 muff v.笨拙地处理，将事情弄糟 thrilled a.激动的 we’ve got a couple introductions i want to make. mayor of philadelphia, michael nutter, is here. fattah is here. (applause.) (applause.) first of all, you’ve got the (applause.) theoutstanding governor of pennsylvania, ed rendell, in the house.(applause.) congressman chaka (applause.) the school 我想介绍1congresswoman allyson schwartz is here. (applause.) andyour own principal, marge neff, is here.superintendent, arlene ackerman, is here and doing a great job. the secretary of education, arne duncan, is here. (applause.)几个人。首先，来到这儿的有，杰出的宾夕法尼亚州州长， ed rendell。 (掌声。 ) 。你们的 费城市长，michael nutter。国会议员 fattah 和 allyson schwartz(掌声) 校长 marge neff(掌声) 。学校管理人 arlene ackerman 是这个学校的，并且为学 (掌声) 校做了很大的贡献。 (掌声) 。还有教育部秘书长 arne duncan。outstanding a.杰出的 congressman n.国会议员 principal n.校长 superintendent n.院长 and i am here. excited. (applause.) and i am thrilled to be here. i am just soi’ve heard such great things about what all of you are doing, both the 还有我。 (掌声) ，我感到非常students and the teachers and th ，你们中有些人在新学年会有些紧张。或许你刚从 小学升到初中，从初中升到高中，会担心，新的学年将会是什么样的呢。也许你 进入一所新的学校，不知道是否会喜欢这个学校，想着怎么来融入这个学校。或 许你到了高三年级，对整个的大学入学程序感到不安，比如申请那里的学校，能 不能支付上大学的费用等等。elementary school n.小学 figure out 想明白，弄清楚 fit in 融入，适应 afford to do 承担得起 and beyond all those concerns, i know a lot of you are also feeling the strain of some difficult times. afghanistan. you know what’s going on in the news and you also know you’ve read about the war in and3what’s going on in some of your own families.you hear about the recession that we’ ve been through.sometimes maybe you’ seeing the worries in your parents’ faces or sense it in their re voice. 除此之外，我知道你们还有来自困难时期的压力。你们知道新闻 内容，知道你们一些家庭中发发生的事情。你们读过有关阿富汗战争的信息，听 说过我们经历过的经济不景气。有时你们还看到了双亲脸上挂着的忧虑，或从他 们的声音中感受到了这些。strain n.压力 so a lot of you as a consequence, because we’re going through a tough time a country, are having to act a lot older than you are. you got to be strong for your or maybe some of family while your brother or sister is serving overseas, or you’ve got to look after younger siblings while your mom is working that second shift. work. you who are little bit older, you’re taking on a part-time job while your dad’s out of 所以，因为我们国家面临困难时期，你们许多人的行为看上去比实 际年龄要大。姐姐哥哥在海外工作，你们会表现得坚强，或许妈妈去值第二班， 你们就要照顾年幼的弟弟妹妹。或许你们有些人年长一点的，父亲失了业，你们 还要做兼职。as a consequence 结果，所以 tough time 困难时期【tough a.艰难的】 sibling n.兄弟姐妹，同胞 shift n.轮班 and that’s a lot to handle. it’s more than you should have to handle. and it may make you wonder at times what your own future will look like, whether you’re going to be able to succeed in school, whether you should maybe set your sights a little lower, scale back your dreams. 有太多事情要做了， 很多是你们不应该 做的。 这让你们迷茫， 不知道自己的未来会是什么样， 在学校能不能取得好成绩， 是不是应该把目光降低些，把理想放低些。handle v.处理，应对 scale back 缩减 but i came to masterman to tell all of you what i think you’re hearing from your principal and your superintendent, and from your parents and your teachers: nobody gets to write your destiny but you. your future is in your hands. your life4is what you make of it.and 【美国总统演讲】确保同工同酬 严惩工资歧视 weekly address: ensuring equal pay for equal work remarks of president barack obama weekly address the white house april 12, 2014 hi, everybody. earlier this week was equal pay day. it marks the extra time the average woman has to work into a new year to earn what a man earned the year before. you see, the average woman who works full-time in america earns less than a man –
even when she’s in the same profession and has the same education. thats wrong. in 2014, it’s an embarrassment. women deserve equal pay for equal work. this is an economic issue that affects all of us. women make up about half our workforce. and more and more, they’re our families’ main breadwinners. so it’s good for everyone when women are paid fairly. that’s why, this week, i took action to prohibit more businesses from punishing workers who discuss their salaries – because more pay transparency makes it easier to spot pay discrimination. and i hope more business leaders will take up this cause. but equal pay is just one part of an economic agenda for women. most lower-wage workers in america are women. so i’ve taken executive action to require federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees at least ten dollars and ten cents an hour. i ordered a review of our nation’s overtime rules, to give more workers the chance to earn the overtime pay they deserve. thanks to the affordable care act, tens of millions of women are now guaranteed free preventive care like mammograms and contraceptive care, and the days when you could be charged more just for being a woman are over for good. across the country, we’re bringing americans together to help us make sure that a woman can have a baby without sacrificing her job, or take a day off to care for a sick child or parent without hitting hardship. it’s time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a “mad men” episode, and give every woman the opportunity she deserves. i’m going to keep fighting to make sure that doesn’t happen. because we do better when our economy grows for everybody, not just a few. and when women succeed, america succeeds. thanks, and have a great weekend.篇五：美国总统演讲稿——勤奋生活论
勤奋生活论
1899年4月10日于芝加哥
西奥多·罗斯福(1856—1919)，美国第26任总统(1901—1909)，作家，探险者和军事家。
我不打算宣讲安逸论，我要宣讲勤奋生活论，也就是操劳、勤勉、努力和奋斗的一生我要说，安逸平淡者的一生算不上圆满，只有不畏艰险劳苦终获辉煌胜利的人的一生才算得上成功。
贪图安逸的一生，由于不想或不能成就大事业而平淡无奇的一生，对个人、对民族来说都同样不值。 一生苟且怕事的人我们不佩服。我们佩服的是经奋斗而成功的人;从来不会对不起邻人、及时向朋友伸援手的人，尤其佩服有阳刚之气经得起实际生活锻炼的人。失败的滋味固然不好受;从来不愿做成功的尝试却更糟。生活当中不努力就不会有成就。现在无需努力只表示过去已经累积了努力成果。人只有在自己或祖辈努力有成的情况下才有不工作的自由。如这样得来的自由运用得当，他还在做事，只是做不同的事，是作家或是将军，是从政或寻幽探险，都说明他对得起命运对他的厚爱。但如果他反以为这段无需工作期不是准备期而正好偷闲，那么他无非也就是这世上的寄生虫，有朝一日又得自食其力时肯定不如人。安安逸逸的一生说到底算不上充实，对很想在世上有一番严肃作为的人来说尤其不合适。 个人如是，民族亦然。要说没有历史的民族最轻松愉快可就大错了。最快活的乃是有光辉灿烂历史的民族。敢于大胆尝试夺得光辉胜利，即便经历过挫败，也远比与在胜败之间的灰色领域浑浑噩噩过了一辈子既未曾惊喜亦不知苦难的人为伍要强。如若1861年热爱联邦者以为和平乃上上选、纷战乃下下策，并秉此而行，我们果然能少死千万人，少花千万元。尤有甚者，非但能省却当时流的血、花的钱，让多少妇女免于丧子丧夫之痛、家破人亡之苦;还可以摆脱我们在军队连连败退时全国上下被暗淡所笼罩的漫长蒙羞岁月。只要当时对鏖战望而怯步就可以回避这场苦难。其实，要真是回避了，我们倒成了弱者，没有资格并列世界大国之林。感谢上帝让我们的祖辈有铁血意 志，他们坚持林肯的智慧，与格兰特将军持剑荷枪而战!我们这些当年的志士豪杰之后，促使南北战争胜利结束的英雄的后代，让我们赞美我们先祖的上帝，因为他们拒不同意苟且求全的论调，而勇敢地在痛苦损失、悲痛绝望的情况下卓绝苦战多年;最后奴隶终得解放，联邦得以恢复，强大的美利坚共和国再次可以在国际上昂首挺胸„„ 凡畏缩、疏懒、不相信自己国家的人，谨小慎微丧失了斗志、挺不起腰杆子的人，无知混沌、无法像刚毅有为的人那样被振奋的人，凡是这样的人每见到国家有新的责任当前自然要望而怯步;不愿见到我们有足以应付需要的陆、海军;见到我们的士兵、水手在伟大美丽的热带岛屿上奋勇地撵走西班牙人，’承担起应有的世界责任，化混乱为秩序时也要望而怯步。这些人就是怕磨练，就是怕生活在一个有国格的国家之中;他们要的是让国无理想人无大志的安逸生涯;要不他们就是一味贪得图利之辈，以为国家的一切应以商业利益为依靠，却未能意识到商业利益诚然是不可或少的考虑因素，但只不过是使一个国家真正伟大的许多 因素之一。一个国家要想持久，它就必需有深厚的靠勤俭、经商、发展企业、刻苦经营工业而建立起来的物资财富;但还从来没有单靠物质财富就可以真正算得上伟大的国家。 所以同胞们，我要讲的是为了国家我们不能好逸恶劳。即将到来的20世纪许多国家命运未卜。如果我们仅只袖手旁观，只贪图享乐安逸，只求太平无事，如果我们每逢身心考验便望风而逃，那么比较勇敢坚强的人就会赶超我们，得以称霸世界。因此让我们勇敢地面对生活中的考验，坚定负责地做好该做的事;坚持正义，言行一致;决心诚实勇敢地为崇高理想服务，并采纳切合实际的办法。最重要的是，不能在国内外有难、对我们身心有所求时裹足不前，当然首先我们得确定危难值得一战;因为只有通过危难、通过艰苦卓绝的努力才能让我们至终成为真正伟大的国家。